Les Femmes, la culture et les arts en Europe entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance Women, Art and Culture in Medieval and Early Renaissance Europe Texte, Codex & Contexte XIX Directrice de collection: Tania Van Hemelryck Comité scientifique: Bernard Bousmanne Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet Giuseppe Di Stefano Claude Thiry © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Les Femmes, la culture et les arts en Europe entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance Women, Art and Culture in Medieval and Early Renaissance Europe Sous la direction de Cynthia J. Brown & Anne-Marie Legaré H F Illustration de couverture: Maître du livre d’heures MS 10 du Getty Museum (Atelier de Guillaume Lambert), Lyon, Antoine de Lévis offre son livre à Jeanne de France, duchesse de Bourbon ; enfance de la Vierge (dans les marges), avant 1482, Paris, BnF, fr. 989, f. 3, 250 × 170 mm. (Pierre Thomas, Défense de la conception immaculée de la Vierge Marie). © 2016, BREPOLS PUBLISHERS n.v., TURNHOUT, BELGIUM. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2016/0095/54 ISBN: 978-2-503-54626-1 (printed) ISBN: 978-2-503-54635-3 (online) DOI 10.1484/M.TCC-EB.5.107655 Printed on acid-free paper. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Table des matières Anne-Marie Legaré Introduction 1 I- Mécénat artistique et bibliophilique Paola Corti Mécénat et culture dévote chez Marie de Clèves, duchesse d’Orléans (1426-1487) 13 Valérie Guéant Marguerite de Rohan à la cour d’Angoulême : culture littéraire et arts du livre 33 Samuel Gras Les manuscrits enluminés pour Jeanne de France, duchesse de Bourbon 55 Mathieu Deldicque Bibliophiles de mère en fille : Marie de Balsac († 1504) et Anne de Graville († 1540) 73 Lieve De Kesel New Perspectives on Devotional Manuscripts Associated with Margaret of Austria and Her Relations: The Role of the Prayer Books Master 89 II- Femmes éduquées, femmes éducatrices Kathy Krause Via femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 117 Juliana Dresvina ‘Thys ys the boke of dame anne’: British Library MS Harley 4012 and the Context of Its Production 135 Anne Jenny-Clark Les bréviaires, objets de transmission entre chanoinesses à la collégiale Sainte-Waudru de Mons (Hainaut) 151 vi Table des matières III- Une iconographie féminisée Susan Marti Micrographic Prayers for Monks and Colorful Images for Nuns: Evidence for Gender-Specific Decoration in Liturgical Manuscripts from Late-Medieval Germany 177 S. C. Kaplan La Légende dorée, Paris, BnF fr. 244-245 (1480 – 1485) : un manuscrit conçu pour Catherine de Coëtivy ? 197 Anneliese Pollock Renck Traduction et adaptation d’un manuscrit des XXI Epistres d’Ovide appartenant à Louise de Savoie (Paris, BnF fr. 875) 221 Renée-Claude Breitenstein Tensions fécondes dans la construction de publics féminins à l’aube de la Renaissance française : les exemples de La Nef des dames vertueuses de Symphorien Champier et de La Louenge de mariage et recueil des hystoires des bonnes, vertueuses et illustres femmes de Pierre de Lesnauderie 241 Ilaria Andreoli Livres italiens à figures et « illustration » des femmes à Lyon au xvie siècle 259 IV -Héroïnes vertueuses Francesc Massip La Sibylle Érythrée : un rôle féminin dans le théâtre médiéval et sa survivance dans la tradition à Majorque 277 Olga Karaskova Une princesse dans le miroir : Marie de Bourgogne est-elle la dédicataire du Miroir des dames de Philippe de Bouton ? 291 Carol Christensen & Gretchen Hirschauer Heroes and Heroines from a Sienese Renaissance Palazzo 309 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Table des matières vii V- L’image « politique » au féminin Marc Gil Question de goût, question de genre ? Commandes de sceaux royaux et princiers autour des reines Jeanne II de Bourgogne (1328-1349) et Jeanne II de Navarre (1329-1349) 327 Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas Perrinet du Pin et le mécénat de la duchesse de Savoie Anne de Lusignan : Le Roman de Philippe de Madien et les rêves orientaux d’une princesse chypriote 345 Andrea Pearson Margaret of York, Colette of Corbie, and the Possibilities of Female Agency 357 Cynthia J. Brown Parenté royale et livresque : une anthologie manuscrite dans la bibliothèque de Charlotte de Savoie (Paris, BnF fr. 2222) 367 Tracy Adams Theorizing Female Regency: Anne of France’s Enseignements à sa fille 387 Aria Dal Molin Renée de France, spectatrice privilégiée de La Lena de Ludovic Arioste (1474-1533) 403 Bibliographie 415 Manuscrits et imprimés anciens cités 469 Noms de villes et communes 479 Œuvres littéraires et œuvres d’art 481 Noms de personnes 489 Planches 509 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. II. Femmes éduquées, femmes éducatrices © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Kathy Krause University of Missouri-Kansas City Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy Although feminist scholars have, for some time now, paid increasing attention to the topic of medieval literary production by and for women, lay female patronage of Old French religious translations has received relatively little attention compared with other topics such as women’s book ownership or the reading habits of female religious communities. In an attempt to fill in one small gap in the history of female patronage, this essay examines the manuscript context of two thirteenth-century vernacular religious texts dedicated to two neighboring Picard ruling countesses: the paraphrase/ gloss on the Paternostre dedicated to Ide de Boulogne and the allegory of the redemption known as the Dit des quatre sereurs written for the Countess of Ponthieu. The two texts share not only the fact of female patronage and geography; they also share a family connection (two brothers, Renaud and Simon de Dammartin, married the two counties’ heiresses) and a codicological relationship, for they both occur in the related compilations Paris, BnF, fr. 12467 and Paris, Arsenal 3142.1 Given the limitations of an essay such as this, I will focus on these two texts in their manuscript contexts, and in particular on Arsenal 3142, as interesting cases of the intersection of female patronage of religious texts and manuscript production in the thirteenth century. Since many scholars may not be familiar with these texts, a brief presentation of each is in order. The Dit des quatre sereurs is one of several Old French retellings of the theological allegory of the four daughters of God, popularized by Saint Bernard among others. It tells of Pity, Truth, Justice and Peace (Miséricorde, Vérité, Justice and Paix) and their dispute before their Father, the king, over the fate of his rebellious seneschal, Man, who has been sentenced to death for breaking the one commandment the king had set for him. The poem is extant in four manuscripts, offering two slightly different versions. Version A is found only in one late thirteenth-century manuscript, 1 The two texts also appear separately in other manuscripts, as will be discussed below. Les Femmes, la culture et les arts en Europe entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, sous la direction de Cynthia J. Brown & Anne-Marie Legaré, Turnhout, 2016 (Texte, Codex & Contexte, 19), p. 117-133. FHG DOI: 10.1484/M.TCC-EB.5.107662 118 Kathy Krause Paris, BnF, fr. 378.2 Version B appears in Arsenal 3142 and BnF, fr. 12467, two closely related manuscripts dating from the late thirteenth century that contain (among other texts) the works of Adenet le Roi; it is also extant in the slightly later manuscript, Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. 2621. The only significant difference between these two versions appears in the prologue: in BnF, fr. 378, the author names himself ‘Richart’ (‘Richiers’ in the now lost Turin manuscript) and mentions a certain ‘maistre Gautier’, but does not name his patroness, saying only that he writes for ‘la tres gentille comtesse’. Conversely, in version B, we find the name of the patroness, the ‘comtesse de Pontieu’, but neither the name of the poet nor that of ‘Gautier’:3 BnF, fr. 378, f. 1v Par un sien saintisme poet le roi david son bon prophete nous manda diex couvertement ce c’or veons apertement dont il a un ver ou sautier a tesmoing de maistre gautier qui nous dist que misericorde et verites orent descorde … Mais pour la tres gentil contesse cui Richars en fist la promesse li plot ceste ouvraigne a enprendr pour faire li ces vers entendre et pour l’oscurte de la lettre descouvrir et en clarte metre se Diex li offre et li consent3 4 8 17 20 Arsenal 3142, f. 281v par .1. sien saintisme poete le roy david le vrai prophete nous manda Diex couvertement ce c’or veons apertement dont david li psalmistes dist qui les vers dou sautier escrist qui nous dist que misericorde et veritez orent discorde … Mais pour la tres gentill contesse de Pontieu cui j’en fis promesse le vueil romancier sans contendre por li faire ces vers entendre et pour l’oscurte de la lettre descuvrir et en clarte metre 4 8 18 20 I have found no convincing arguments as to which version came first; nevertheless, in both cases, a text of the Dit des quatre sereurs was dedicated to the Countess of Ponthieu, who was most likely Marie de Ponthieu, countess by right of inheritance from 1221 until her death in 1250, and a noted literary patroness.4 2 3 4 Another copy was burned in the Turin fire of 1904 (Turin, Biblioteca Universitaria, L.V. 32, f. 139v-141). Scheler gives a description of the manuscript and transcribes the first and last verses: Auguste Scheler, Notice et extraits de deux manuscrits français de la bibliothèque royale de Turin, Brussels, Olivier, 1867, p. 84. For a summary discussion of the various manuscripts, see Arthur Långfors, ‘Notice des manuscrits 535 de la Bibliothèque municipale de Metz et 10047 des nouvelles acquisitions du fonds français de la Bibliothèque Nationale, suivie de cinq poèmes français sur la parabole des quatre filles de Dieu’, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres bibliothèques, 42 (1933), p. 172-288. My emphasis. Unless otherwise noted, all citations are from my own transcriptions of the manuscripts. I have expanded abbreviations and added apostrophes to mark contractions (such as “l’une” or “c’or”), but I have not otherwise edited the text. The only other possible candidate for the countess would be Marie’s mother, Alix de France, daughter of Louis VII and Adèle de Champagne. She was Countess of Ponthieu from her marriage to Guillaume II Talvas, Count of Ponthieu, in 1195 until her death sometime after 1213, the date of the latest extant dated charter to include her. See Le cartulaire du comté de Ponthieu, ed. by Ernest Prarond, Abbeville, Fourdrinier et Cie., 1897, p. 72. All extant charters of the © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 119 The second text of interest in this study, the translation and gloss on the Paternostre dedicated to Ide de Boulogne, is one of several such paraphrases in Old French verse.5 The text’s author identifies himself as ‘Silvestre’ in the prologue6 and tells us at the end of the poem that he wrote it for Ide de Boulogne: La pater noster vos ai dite Celi por cui l’avois escrite doinst Diex honor et signorie et a le parmenable vie le maint et doinst bone aventure tant com ele en cest siecle dure c’est d’Ide a cui Boloigne amonte fille Mahui le gentil conte diex mete s’arme en paradis avec ses beneois amis si face il l’arme son pere et l’arme Maryen sa mere lor armes deffende d’infier en cel non di pater noster7 As with the Quatre sereurs, the dedication does not appear in all manuscripts: we find it in two copies (BnF, fr. 2162 and fr. 1807), but not in Arsenal 3142 or BnF, fr. 12467, both of which end before the epilogue.8 The actual text of Silvestre’s Paternostre is unremarkable, with each line of the Latin translated and then glossed by the poet, as is typical for this kind of paraphrase/explication. Nothing but the dedication is particular to 5 6 7 8 counts and countesses of Ponthieu are collected in Clovis Brunel, Recueil des Actes des comtes de Pontieu (1026-1279), Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1930. We know very little about Alix, and nothing of her literary patronage; in contrast, her daughter, Marie, is named and receives considerable praise in Gerbert de Montreuil’s Roman de la Violette, particularly in the prologue, ll. 44-64 (Gerbert de Montreuil, Le Roman de la Violette ou de Gerart de Nevers, ed. by Douglas Labaree Buffum, Paris, Honoré Champion, 1928). Arthur Långfors, ‘Les traductions et paraphrases du Pater’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 6 (1912), p. 35-45. Paris, BnF, fr. 12467, f. 67: ‘sivestre qui torne sa cure / a traitier de sainte scripture / commence ainsi faitierement’. Paris, BnF, fr. 1802, f. 125v. My emphasis. The text of the Paternostre is unedited. All citations given here are based on my own transcriptions from the manuscripts. I have expanded abbreviations, and added apostrophes to mark contractions, but I have not otherwise edited the text. The last verses in Paris, BnF, fr. 12467, f. 71, col. b, read as follows: Or gart chascuns en son corage se ci a nul ne fol ne sage, conment il dist ceste proiere que diex meismes a si chiere et la conmanda a tous dire qui vorront avoir le remire de lor pechiez et le pardon In secula seculorum. amen 120 Kathy Krause Ide, or to a female patron more generally. In fact, Silvestre ends his gloss on the phrase ‘Et ne nos inducas in temptacionem’ by providing the example of how the devil might tempt the potentially sinful reader – ‘si vous estes luxurious’ (if you are filled with lust) – with the image of a beautiful woman with whom he might take his pleasure – ‘faciez vo deduit’ (you might take your pleasure)! Despite this mismatch of dedicatee and content, the text does appear to have been written for Ide de Boulogne, as the oldest of the Paternostre manuscripts, BnF, fr. 2162, includes the epilogue. Indeed, this earliest exemplar was produced in Picardy, not long after the text itself; the manuscript dates from the mid-thirteenth century at the latest and the text is contemporary with Ide’s tenure as countess, 1173 to 1216.9 Although not irrefutable evidence, the presence of the dedication in the earliest manuscript of the Paternostre does argue strongly in favor of its authenticity. Arsenal 3142 and Female Patronage Were it not for their presence together in Arsenal 3142, one might be hard pressed to point to any other commonality of these two texts, other than that of bearing dedications, in some but not all manuscripts, to two ruling countesses who were neighbors and sisters-in-law. However, an iconographic anomaly in Arsenal 3142 raises interesting questions about the role of female patronage in manuscript production, leading back to our two texts and their countesses. A large recueil, Arsenal 3142 was produced in Paris c. 1285, probably for Marie de Brabant, queen of France, who is featured prominently in the frontispiece (Pl. XVI). In addition to the works of Adenet le Roi and Baudouin de Condé and the Fables of Marie de France, the codex contains, among other compositions, a series of short religious texts, including the Dit des quatre sereurs and Silvestre’s Paternostre (see Appendix I for a complete list of the contents). Many, though not all, of the shorter texts are Marian in nature (e.g. Ave Maria, Les Neuf joies de Nostre Dame, etc.); most are anonymous (again with some exceptions); and none is particularly original, which probably explains why even scholars who have studied the manuscript at some length have paid them so little heed. Even the illuminations that accompany these texts are repetitive, the majority depicting a male figure in 9 For the dating of BnF, fr. 2162, see Pamela Gehrke, Saints and Scribes: Medieval Hagiography in its Manuscript Context, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993 (University of California Publications in Modern Philology 126), p. 12-53. The most recent research on Arsenal 3142 is that of Wagih Azzam and Olivier Collet, ‘Le manuscrit 3142 de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal. Mise en recueil et conscience littéraire au xiiie siècle’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 44 (2001), p. 207-45. The other manuscript containing the epilogue, BnF, fr. 1807, hails from central or eastern France and dates to the turn of the fourteenth century. My initial examination of the text provides no conclusive arguments as to the relationship between the copies in BnF, fr. 1807 and fr. 2162. The variants could easily have been introduced by a scribe modernizing the language and adjusting for the dialectal shift. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 121 Fig. 6.1 Recueil de pièces versifiées en ancien français, Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 3142, f. 287 : « Salus de nostre dame en francois », Paris, 1285-92 (© Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal). prayer before an extremely life-like statue of the Virgin (Fig. 6.1). In one instance, however, on folio 299v, the historiated initial clearly depicts a woman, not a man, praying before the Virgin (Pl. XVIIa). The text that follows the initial is a poetic gloss/prayer on the text of the Ave Maria (the rubric reads ‘C’est uns salus de Nostre Dame’) very similar in style to Silvestre’s gloss on the Paternostre (see Appendix II for a transcription of the first four stanzas). Nothing in this short text calls for the depiction of a woman in the initial, rather than the male figure we find preceding all the other prayers in this codex, each of which shows a similar scene of devotion to the Virgin. Indeed, if we examine the initial preceding the same text in the companion manuscript, BnF, fr. 12467 (Fig. 6.2), we see that it depicts a male figure praying before a seated statue of the Virgin and Child. 122 Kathy Krause Fig. 6.2 Recueil de textes littéraires, Paris, BnF, fr. 12467, f. 59 : « Une loenge de nostre dame », Paris (?), c. 1290-1300 (© Paris, BnF). One might read the female figure on folio 299v of Arsenal 3142 as an anomaly, or perhaps as an artistic attempt to vary the figures, to break up the visual ‘monotony’ of this section of the manuscript. However, if we take a look at the codex as a whole and its program of illuminations, we find clues that seem to point to the illuminator’s deliberate choice rather than an error or artistic license. First, as several scholars have argued, the miniatures opening the majority of the (longer) texts in the Arsenal manuscript are linked to issues of poetic voice, authorship and authority. For example, the well-known opening miniature to both this codex and to Adenet’s Cleomadès depicts Marie de Brabant reclining with Adenet at her feet, vielle in hand, while her sisterin-law, Blanche de France, sits at her head, perhaps telling the story while Adenet turns it into his poem10 (Pl. XVI). In parallel fashion, author portraits bracket Marie de France’s Fables, while each individual fable opens 10 Adenet informs us in the prologue to Cleomadès that it was Blanche who brought the tale back with her from Spain. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 123 Fig. 6.3 Recueil de pièces versifiées en ancien français, Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 3142, f. 256 : « Marie de France », Paris, 1285-1292 (© Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal). with a picture of the animal in question (Fig. 6.3); similar patterns can be seen in the other longer texts.11 In such an artistic, programmatic context, the image of petitioners praying before figures of the Virgin Mary can and should be read, I would argue, as representing the person praying in the text that follows. That is to say, it is the ‘author’ of the prayer who is depicted in these miniatures; whether it be the ‘actual’ author or the ‘implied author’, the portrait represents the person 11 See Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris, 1200-1500, 2 vols, London; Turnhout, Harvey Miller Publishers, 2000, I, p. 110-11; Sylvia Huot, From Song to Book. The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1987, p. 39-45; Susan L. Ward, ‘Fables for the Court: Illustrations of Marie de France’s Fables in Paris’, in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, ed. by Lesley Smith and Jane H.M. Taylor, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1996, p. 75-93. 124 Kathy Krause Fig. 6.4 Recueil de pièces versifiées en ancien français, Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 3142, f. 154v : « Salustes commande con esploit par conseil, Paris, c. 1285-1292 (© Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal). whose voice we hear in the prayer. Taking into account all the poetic prayers in Arsenal 3142 (see Appendix I), we see that all but one open with the same image of an individual in prayer before a statue of the Virgin. The exception is the text known as L’A.B.C. de Plantefolie (Pl. XVIIb), which offers a picture of a monk holding a scroll, echoing instead the iconography adopted earlier in the codex for the author portraits in Alart de Cambrai’s Dit des philosophes, where each ancient philosopher is shown holding a scroll indicating a speech act (Fig. 6.4). In other words, the historiated initial of the A.B.C. miniature depicts the known author of the text, the monk Plantefolie, who is thereby accorded the stature of an ‘auctor’ along with the other named authors in the codex. This iconographic pattern for representing voice and authorship supports a reading of the image of a woman in prayer before the Virgin on folio 299v as depicting a female voice speaking and/or authoring the prayer. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 125 Second, we find the corollary to the mismatch of image and voice within this same set of religious poems. The ‘Salus de Nostre Dame en francois’ (as the rubric entitles it) on folio 287 contains the following verses, amidst typical rhetoric praising the Virgin: Tu es de tout le mont royne tes oreilles a moi encline par tout me soies aideresse mesfaite sui et pecheresse (vv. 23-26) (my emphasis) Clearly, this prayer is spoken by a female voice; however here the initial portrays a male figure praying before the usual statue of Madonna and Child (Fig. 6.1). Is this perhaps the text that the historiated initial on folio 299v of the Arsenal manuscript should accompany? According to Sonet’s Répertoire, this prayer appears only in Arsenal 3142 and BnF, fr. 12467, which suggests both that it formed part of the stock material of the Parisian workshop that produced the two manuscripts and that it may have been unique to that workshop.12 The first lines of the ‘Salus de Nostre Dame en francois’ constitute a short prologue, which emphasizes the poet’s craft and highlights the fact that (s)he first ‘wrote’ the prayer – the term used is ‘escripte’ – and then translated it from Latin into the vernacular: Pour ce que ie ne vueil mentir se diex le me veut consentir ceste oroison que i’ai escripte que de la mere dieu est dite vueil dou latin en romans metre tout mot a mot selonc la lettre (vv. 1-6) (my emphasis) Given that the speaking voice of the body of the prayer is female, as verse 26 confirms, this passage must lead us to conclude that a female author wrote the poem and translated it. The emphasis on authorship and translation in this prologue correlates with the prominence of the subject in the manuscript as a whole. This short and otherwise undistinguished poem thus contributes to the codex’s overall authorial – and feminine – emphasis. Marie de Brabant’s imposing position in the frontispiece, by far the largest image in the codex, along with Marie de France’s doubled presence at the beginning and end of the Fables (f. 256 and 273),13 confirms that the manuscript deliberately shows women as well as men participating actively in the process of writing, in addition to their 12 13 Jean Sonet, Répertoire d’incipit de prières en ancien francais, Geneva, Droz, 1958. The miniatures accompanying the Fables in Arsenal 3142 set this copy apart from the norm, as the opening miniature usually depicts Aesop (as author), not Marie. 126 Kathy Krause more usual function as readers.14 The Salus de nostre dame in the female voice and the perhaps misplaced image of the woman in prayer corroborate and strengthen a pro-feminine reading of Arsenal 3142: the anonymous female writer takes on the role not only of female translator, like Marie de France, but also of ‘author’ and poetic petitioner of the Virgin, two functions normally reserved for male clerics. What then of the Paternostre and the Quatre sereurs? How might they embody this reading of Arsenal 3142? Like the Salus Nostre Dame, the texts contain a prologue (Quatre sereurs) or an epilogue (Paternostre) that focuses on authorship and female patronage. However, the text of the Paternostre included in Arsenal 3142 lacks the epilogue and thus the dedication to Ide de Boulogne, whereas it is precisely this version of the Dit des quatre sereurs that names the ‘gentille contesse de Ponthiu’. In the case of the Paternostre, we cannot know if the exemplar from which the atelier copied the text contained the epilogue or not. However, the contrast between the dedication to Ide de Boulogne and the text itself, which clearly addresses an inscribed male audience – an interlocutor potentially tempted by female apparitions being just the most flagrant example of the text’s masculine orientation –, could have led those who designed and/or composed the Arsenal 3142 codex to eliminate the epilogue. In a manuscript privileging female literary agency, the décalage between the named patroness and the inscribed male audience of the Paternostre would have been even more noticeable and inappropriate. Such a tailoring of the text to the thematics of the codex implies a significant knowledge of the text on the part of the manuscript compiler, but given that the codex as a whole does indeed seem to have been constructed with a remarkable attention to detail, the deliberate elimination of the epilogue to this end is not out of the question. To wit, in their meticulous codicological study of Arsenal 3142, Wagih Azzam and Olivier Collet argue that the codex is organized around a ‘Marian’ theme, to honor Marie de Brabant. They call attention to several aspects of the codex: • • • • 14 15 the opening miniature depicts Marie de Brabant herself; the section devoted to Baudouin de Condé’s dits begins with his Ave Maria; the manuscript contains the group of short Marian texts including the Salus that I have been discussing here; and finally, the central text in the codex is Marie de France’s Fables with its double author portrait.15 Ward, p. 96. Azzam and Colle, p. 225-29. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 127 The Dit des quatre sereurs may provide us with yet one more ‘Marie’, to add to Azzam and Collet’s collection: Marie de Ponthieu, the most likely dedicatee of the poem.16 Of course, this assumes that either Marie de Brabant or the compiler of Arsenal 3142 knew the name of the countess to whom the Quatre sereurs was dedicated. A brief examination of another manuscript of the Quatre sereurs provides evidence that Marie de Brabant could well have known the name of the dedicatee of the Quatre sereurs and thus could have passed that information on to the atelier that produced Arsenal 3142. Vienna, ÖNB 2621 contains a series of three didactic texts on love (Le Puissance d’amours, also known as the Consaus d’amour, Li Jugemens d’amour and Baudouin de Condé’s Li Prisons d’amour), followed by the Quatre sereurs and a short work known as the Moralitez sur ces six vers. This last poem offers a moral explication of each line of a chanson de carole, glossing a very secular song in the same fashion as Silvestre does the Paternostre. The only other copy of the Moralitez is found in Arsenal 3142, where it also follows directly after the Quatre sereurs. What is more, the copy of the Quatre sereurs in the Vienna manuscript is nearly identical to the one in Arsenal 3142, with only minor dialectic differences between the texts: where Arsenal 3142 is a Parisian product, the language of ÖNB 2621 is heavily Picard. This evidence thus strongly suggests that the Quatre sereurs and the Moralitez in these two manuscripts were both copied from the same exemplar.17 We can date Arsenal 3142 to c. 1285, thanks to the figures of Marie de Brabant and Adenet le Roi present in the frontispiece.18 We are not so fortunate when it comes to the Vienna codex. It too contains an opening miniature, here depicting the narrative situation of its first text, the Puissance d’amours: a maître teaching a couple, who are identified in the prologue as the ano16 17 18 See note 4. Although there is no codicological evidence that would preclude one manuscript being copied from the other, it seems unlikely as the two are both richly illuminated, deluxe codices that would probably have been in the hands of their patrons and thus unavailable to an atelier for copying. See Annette Brasseur, ‘Les manuscrits de la Chanson des Saisnes’, Olifant, 19 (1994-95), p. 57-99. Brasseur’s arguments for a very specific time-frame, between July and October 1285 are appealing. However, she makes a number of assumptions in order to be so precise; in particular, she assumes that after the death of his mother, Jean de Brabant would have resided with his aunt in Paris only until his father finished campaigning: ‘Si l’artiste l’a représenté ( Jean de Brabant) auprès de sa tante Marie, c’est que la scène se situe après la mort de sa mère, Marguerite de Flandre (survenue le 3 juillet 1285) et, pendant que son père était en campagne, c’est-à-dire avant le cours de l’année 1286’ (p. 13). In addition, but more convincingly, she assumes that the miniaturist would not have depicted her in rich, colored clothing after her widowhood: ‘On peut aussi, sans risque d’erreur, resserrer la chronologie entre juillet 1285 (date de la mort de la duchesse Marguerite) et 1290, et plus précisément encore entre juillet et octobre 1285, puisque la reine Marie, parée de riches couleurs ne porte aucun signe de son veuvage’ (p. 13). 128 Kathy Krause nymous author’s seigneurs, the Duke and Duchess of Brabant (Fig. 6.5).19 However, unlike Arsenal 3142, the frontispiece lacks any identifying heraldic marks that would allow us to identify these two figures, making it difficult to determine not only exactly which duke and duchess of Brabant might have commissioned the text but also whether the codex itself was produced for the Brabant ducal family. The most likely couple represented is Jean I and his second wife, Marguerite de Dampierre, which would place the composition of the Puissance d’amours between 1273, the date of their marriage, and Jean’s death in 1294; however, Jean’s father, Henri III († 1261) and his wife Alix (Adelaïde) de Bourgogne have also been suggested as possible patrons. The evidence for one or the other ducal couple is inconclusive.20 Stylistically the codex belongs to a group of illuminated manuscripts that includes a book of hours (Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 87) and a psalter, which can both be dated to before 1297, since their calendars fail to include the feast day for St Louis, as well as a fragmentary Cistercian Missal, currently housed in Krakow, datable to between 1295 and 1302.21 Given these factors, a general date of c. 1300 is reasonable for the ÖNB 2621 codex. The other manuscripts in the same stylistic group as ÖNB 2621 also confirm its Picard provenance, as the vast majority of them were produced for Flemish or Picard patrons. Thus, for example, the book of hours, Cambrai 87, contains a calendar of Brussels, while Los Angeles, Getty 83.ML.99 (Ludwig IX 3) includes a calendar of Tournai and hours that are a variant of Amiens use; the calendar in Chantilly, Musée Condé 62 is a variant of Saint-Omer.22 19 20 21 22 Vienna, ÖNB 2621, f. 1v (my emphasis): “Si di enconmmencier men liure et entrer en ma matere en demoustrant un mien especial singnour cui iou aim mout de cuer qui m’est par se courtoise volente conpains et amis. Et une miue dame parfaite esprouvee espesciaus amie aussi qui mout doucement et de cuer m’en a mout de fois prijet que iou d’amors li desisse aucune cosse. C’est a men propre signor Duc de brebant et a ma dame sa feme cui dex ayt et gart et doinst boine vie et les giet de peril et de mal”. Remco Sleiderink, De stem van de meester: De hertogen van Brabant en hun rol in het literaire leven, 1106-1430, Amsterdam, Prometheus, 2003, p. 185, n. 36, does not think that ÖNB 2621 belonged to the Brabant family, noting that it contains an addendum appended to the Puissance d’amours, an adaptation of Richard de Fournival’s Amistiés de vraie amour, which is quite different in tone from the main text and which he considers unlikely to have been added to the Brabantine text if the manuscript had been made for the same family. For a discussion of the date of the text, see Sleiderink, Chapter 2, and Cornelia Dauer, ‘Comment amors uient en cuer d’ome: édition der Poissanche d’amours des Codex 2621’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Universität Wien, 2008), p. 49-53. See Alison Stones, Manuscripts Illuminated in France, Gothic Manuscripts 1260-1320, Turnhout, Harvey Miller and Brepols, 2012, I-2, p. 432. Ibid. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 129 Fig. 6.5 La Puissance d’amour and Consaus d’amour, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Bibliothek, Cod. 2621, f. 1: « The author/maître teaching the Duke and Duchesse of Brabant », Paris (?) (© Vienna, ÖNB). In other words, two manuscript ateliers in two different regions, Paris and Picardy or southern Flanders, copied the Quatre sereurs and the Moralitez from the same exemplar within a relatively short span of time. Although it is clearly not impossible that the two events are unrelated, it is unlikely. One very plausible explanation for their connection is familial. As mentioned above, ÖNB 2621 opens with a miniature of a maître seated on the left teaching a couple, who, in the text, are identified as the Duke and Duchess of Brabant. Arsenal 3142’s frontispiece depicts Adenet le Roi standing on the left, ready to perform Cleomadès for the reclining Marie de Brabant, and her sister-inlaw and nephew. The parallels are unmistakable, and they suggest that the copy of the Quatre sereurs and Moralitez used to produce both manuscripts was owned by the family of the dukes – and duchesses – of Brabant. This conclusion raises one last question: why would the Brabant ducal family possess a copy of the Quatre sereurs, a text written for the Countess of Ponthieu some thirty to fifty years earlier? Here again we find a family 130 Kathy Krause connection; in fact, there are two such links. First, as mentioned above, Ide de Boulogne and Marie de Ponthieu were sisters-in-law as well as neighbors, for they were married to two brothers, Renaud and Simon de Dammartin. To the family ties and geographic proximity, we can add both political proximity and a common interest in the literary movements of their era. On the one hand, the two brothers are most famous for siding against PhilippeAuguste in the efforts leading to the disastrous battle of Bouvines in 1214; on the other hand, we know that, in addition to the several texts dedicated to Marie and the Paternostre found in Arsenal 3142, Renaud de Dammartin commissioned a translation of the Pseudo-Turpin, and that the Crusade cycle of chansons de gestes was (re)written incorporating significant material glorifying Ide de Boulogne’s ancestors.23 Based on this evidence, it seems quite possible that the Boulogne comital family could have owned a copy of the Quatre sereurs.24 From Boulogne we move easily to Brabant with Ide’s sister, Mathilde, who married Henri I de Brabant in 1180 (he became duke in 1190), and who lived until 1210. Their daughter Adelaide, born c. 1190, was the aunt of Marie de Brabant, the dedicatee of Arsenal 3142, and Adelaide, in fact, inherited Boulogne c. 1260 when Ide’s daughter (another Mathilde) died without any direct heirs. The second family connection involves the Ponthevin comital family more directly: Marie de Ponthieu’s grand-daughter was Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England, and a noted literary patroness herself. Eleanor’s daughter, Margaret of England, married Jean II de Brabant in July 1290. While their marriage postdates 1285, the proposed date for the confection of the Arsenal 3142 codex, their engagement was actually initiated in 1278, when Jean I participated in a tournament in London; moreover, the future Jean II spent a significant amount of time at the English court in the intervening years. Thus the opportunity existed for members of the Brabant court to 23 24 For a discussion of the reworkings of the Crusade Cycle and the Boulogne comital family, see in particular Edmond A. Emplaincourt and Jan A. Nelson, ‘Le fond lotharingien de la Chanson du Chevalier au Cygne’, Le Moyen Âge, 7 (1993), p. 231-47, and Sleiderink, Chapter 2. One chronological discrepancy should be noted: Ide de Boulogne died in 1216 and Marie did not inherit Ponthieu from her father until 1221. Thus, if the Quatre sereurs was indeed dedicated to Marie, it would have been written after Ide’s death. If the countess of Ponthieu in question was Marie’s mother, Alix, rather than Marie, the timing would fit more neatly. However, we have no information about Alix’s literary interests, if indeed she had any, whereas we know Marie was the dedicatee of Gerbert de Montreuil’s Roman de Violette; Gerbert de Montreuil’s Continuation de Perceval contains elements that suggest that it too may have been written under her patronage, such as the central role played by Perceval’s relationship with, and abandonment of, Blanchefleur. In either case, the relations between the two comital families would not have stopped with Ide’s death, as her heir, the Countess Mathilde, was Marie’s niece. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 131 become familiar with our two texts as they appeared in the Arsenal anthology.25 One final set of familial connections should be mentioned. As noted above, the Duke and Duchess of Brabant named in the Puissance d’amours and depicted in the frontispiece of ÖNB 2621 are most likely Jean I and his second wife, Marguerite de Dampierre. Jean I was Marie de Brabant’s brother, and his son, the future Jean II, is the youth depicted with Marie, his aunt, in the miniature at the beginning of Arsenal 3142.26 Both suggested avenues of transmission of our two works are admittedly speculative, but the preceding argument also provides a logical explanation for the presence of the two texts together and without any significant variants in both Arsenal 3142 and ÖNB 2621. This line of reasoning also offers an explanation consistent with Arsenal 3142 itself, one that foregrounds the circulation of these manuscripts by and along a ‘via femina’. To conclude, the inclusion in Arsenal 3142 of the Quatre sereurs, with its dedication to the countess of Ponthieu, and the Paternostre, without its corresponding mention of Ide de Boulogne, supports a reading of the codex as highlighting, indeed even privileging, female literary agency. This interpretation is further buttressed by the female voice of the Salus Nostre Dame and its corresponding, perhaps misplaced, image of a woman in prayer before the Virgin and Child. In addition, the Quatre sereurs in particular extends that agency outside the confines of the codex. For not only was it dedicated to a woman; it may well have circulated by means of a network of female relations from Ponthieu to Brabant, perhaps via Boulogne, and from there to the Parisian atelier that produced Arsenal 3142. 25 26 J. de Sturler, ‘Les relations politiques de l’Angleterre et du Brabant sous Édouard I et Édouard II Plantagenêt (1272-1326)’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 11 (1932), p. 627-50 (p. 629-31). Marguerite de Dampierre died in 1285. 132 Kathy Krause Appendix I : Contents of Paris, Arsenal 3142 f. 1: Cleomadès (Adenet le Roi) f. 73: Enfances Ogier (Adenet le Roi) f. 120: Berte as grans pies (Adenet le Roi) f. 141 : Moralité des Philosophes (Alart de Cambrai) f. 166: Des vers de Job (added in 14th c.) f. 179: Beuvon de Conmarchis (A. le Roi) f. 203: Miserere et Charité (Renclus de Moiliens) f. 227: Congés ( Jean Bodel) f. 229: Chanson des Saisnes ( J. Bodel) f. 256: Fables (Marie de France) f. 273: Proverbes au vilain f. 280: L’Image du monde (G. de Metz) f. 281v: Des quatre sereurs f. 284v: Moralitez sur ces six vers f. 285: Ave Maris Stella en français f. 285v: Salve Regina en français f. 286: D’Avarice (B. de Condé) f. 286v: Prieres de Notre Dame f. 287: Salus de Nostre Dame en français f. 287v: La Paternostre en françois f. 291v: L’A.B.C. Plantefolie f. 292: Le mariage des filles au diable f. 293: Li dis de la vigne ( Jean de Douai) f. 296: Les neuf joies notre dame f. 296v: C’est une priere nostre dame f. 297v: La Bible nostre dame en françois f. 299v: Salus de nostre dame f. 300: La priere Theophilus (G. de Coinci) f. 300v: Li dis de Baudoin de Condé f. 320: Proverbes de Sénèque © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Via Femina: Female Patronage of Vernacular Religious Texts in Thirteenth-Century Picardy 133 Appendix II : Arsenal 3142, f. 299v: Cest uns salus de nostre dame Ave dame des angles de paradis royne dame de tout le mont de pechie medecine qui seule fus trouvee en humilite digne de concevoir en toi la maieste devine Maria tu portas le pere esperitable qui nous vint racheter de paine parduarble puis soufri en crois la mort qui fu coustable et apres l’enfanter fus virge parmenable Gracia qui a dieu les pecheours ralie qui de cuer se repentent et amendent lor vie et si les confermez qu’il ni renchieent mie de cele sainte grace estu bien raemplie Plena de grant doucour et de misericorde par cui dieu et d’omme fu faite la concorde ostez moi le venin qui de lui me descorde et par ta glorieuse pitie nous i racorde © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER.