From the Fayum to Constantinople : the Role of Mummy Portraits in the Development of Byzantine Icons This paper explores the relationship between the Fayum portraits The term 'mummy portrait' is ambiguous since it makes no distinction between the two dimensional painted portraits that are characteristic of mummies created in the time of the Greco-Roman occupation of Egypt and the three-dimensional portraits which were deeply rooted in the Pharonic tradition and continued to be used alongside the painted portraits until the practice of mummification died out. Lacking a better term, I will refer to them as 'Fayum portraits' in reference to the region of Egypt where many of these portraits were discovered. and the development of Byzantine icons. Visually, these two pictorial traditions, which stem from diverse religious backgrounds share several similarities in medium and style. While basic use of these portraits stem from two separate religious contexts, one funerary and the other devotional, both rely on the concept that the eyes of the image serve as a window between the spiritual plane and the physical plane. The unfortunate state of most surviving Fayum portraits is misleading to the casual observer. Disengaged from the mummies themselves by the dubious archaeological practices of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the portraits are stripped of the cultural and religious role they once served. Without context these images could pass as any other Greco-Roman portrait. Fayum portraits; however, were intended to be both physically and spiritually attached to the body of the deceased. According to the Egyptian religion, the soul was subdivided into various states, pertaining to the after life were the Ka, which took human form and required sustenance after death; the Ba, which took an avian form with the head of a human and was able to depart from the body and interact with the living world; and the Akh, the part of the soul that is transformed and reborn Douglas J. Brewer and Emily Teeter, 1999. Egypt and the Egyptians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), XVII-XX.. In order for the soul to survive through rebirth, it was necessary for the Ka to retain a receptacle to reside in. Preservation of the body was the key concern; however, over time a complex series of funerary rituals was set in place to enhance the potency of the surviving Ka. By the Middle Kingdom, these included the use of an intermediary representation of the deceased either in the form of a sculpture or a mask Arthur Frank Shore, Portrait Painting From Roman Egypt (London: British Museum, 1972) 26. . These images of the deceased provided a proxy form through which the Ka could survive if anything were to happen to the body. Fayum portraits are a product of the Egyptian culture during the Greco-Roman occupation which adapted Greco-Roman portrait techniques to fit within the traditional Egyptian funerary rituals. These images incorporate both the idealized forms and painting traditions of Greek art and the Roman concept of portraiture into an Egyptian religious context Hans Belting, Likeness And Presence: A History Of The Image Before The Era Of Art. (Chicago : University Of Chicago Press, 1994), 99.. Note the illusionistic portrayal of the features, the smooth shading of her hair, and the highlights in her eyes which are characteristic of the Greek pictorial tradition. This image of a Woman from Hawara; however, depicts a recognizable visage in the Roman tradition of portraiture; the crook in her nose and her distinctive chin mark this woman as an individual rather than an idealized form. The mummy of Artemidorus, which has survived intact, is another striking example of this hybridization (Fig. 3). The illusionistic quality of the portrait stands in stark contrast with the figures depicted on the body of the mummy, which retain the traditional Egyptian conventions of representing the human form. Three scenes are arranged in a series of vertical bands across the front of the mummy, which depict the funerary rituals for the body of Artemidorus. In the top register he is shown on the embalming table and in the lowest register his Ba is depicted in the form of a bird, returning to his body Arthur Frank Shore, Portrait Painting From Roman Egypt (London: British Museum, 1972), 26.. Therefore, Artemidorus himself is depicted four times on his mummy, most notably in the portraits, as well as twice in the form of the mummy on the embalming table and once in the form of the Ba, freed from the confines of the body. Eyes played an important role in funerary art Long before Egyptians began incorporating masks and portraits into their funerary practices. Early coffins, for example, depict eyes corresponding to the placement of the head so that the Ka would have some way of connecting and interacting with the living world (Fig. 4) In the coffin of Hetepnebi, from the Sixth Dynasty. This emphasis continues throughout Egyptian art including that of the Fayum portraits, where the large and animated eyes remain the key focal point of the images. Despite the clear break from the stylized eyes characteristic of traditional Egyptian representations (Fig. 5), the eyes of the Fayum portraits remain disproportionately large to the size of the head, giving them more prominence within the face (Fig. 6). As with the Fayum portraits, Byzantine icons, when taken out of context could be mistaken for any portrait regardless of function. Visually, a Byzantine icon consists of a figure, or figures, shown frontally who are not engaged in any apparent activities, narrative or dialogue (Fig. 7). The defining characteristic of an icon is not inherent to the image itself, but derives from the way that the viewer perceives it. It is imbued with the presence of the person depicted, the prototype, because of the veneration and beliefs of the viewer. The exaggerated size and shape of the eyes is noticeable in Byzantine icons as well, however the function here is slightly different. The significance of the eyes in a Byzantine icon is to create a bond between the devout and the holy figure. The large expressive eyes give the illusion that the prototype is present, and enhances the interpersonal connection between the viewer and the image, allowing for a more intimate religious encounter. The icon of Abbot Mena from the Monastery of Bawit in Middle Egypt is the oldest surviving Coptic icon (Fig. 8). The massive penetrating eyes of the saint facilitate the viewer's interaction with the holy figure, who raises his right hand to bless the devout who stand before him. Christ's gesture, with his arm around Abbot Mena is indicative of his relationship to the saint rather than his relationship with the viewer; the implication being that through the icon, the viewer had a direct line of communication with Abbot Mena, who in turn had a direct line of communication with Christ. This icon is also significant because of its association with an Egyptian martyr. While this image could not have originated as a Fayum portrait because the composition has two figures, it is evidence of a visual tradition of a cult of saints in Egypt as early as the sixth or seventh century. While in the Egyptian tradition the Ka resides in a specific location, that of the mummy and its portrait, in the case of Byzantine icons the portrait merely serves as a conduit through which the devout can access the holy figure. Byzantine artists could create multiple icons of the same saint without diluting the potency or presence of the divine figure since the figure serves only as a prototype, and the icons as models based off of that prototype; the holy figure did not reside within each image. If we perceive the eyes as a window, allowing interaction between the natural and supernatural worlds, we can see that in the Egyptian tradition, it is the Ka who peers through that window at the world, whereas in the Byzantine tradition, it is the viewer who peers through the eyes of the icon to obtain a glimpse at the divine. The gesture of blessing, which is so ubiquitous among Byzantine icons, has its precursors in Egyptian funerary portraiture (Fig. 7-10). In a portrait from Antinoopolis, painted with tempera on linen, a woman is depicted grasping an ankh in one hand with her other hand raised in a movement which could be interpreted either as a gesture of blessing, a gesture of prayer, or with apotropaic intentions. The ankh which she holds is the Egyptian hieroglyph meaning 'life'; however the circular loop at the top rather than the standard ovoid loop indicates a Christian interpretation of this Egyptian symbol. With the rounded loop, the ankh can be interpreted as the Greek characters chi and rho, the first letters of Christ's name forming a simplified christogram. With these two interpretations combined, the ankh became a symbol of reincarnation Euphrosyne Doxiadis, The Mysterious Fayum Portraits: Faces From Ancient Egypt (New York : H.N. Abrams, 1995), 118.. Since this image is neither overtly Christian, nor entirely pagan, it could represent an intermediary stage in the transition between these two figural traditions. Aesthetically, the most striking comparison between Fayum portraits and Byzantine icons is in the image of Christ from the monastery of St. Catherine’s in Mount Sinai (Fig. 10). The subtle treatment of the facial hair and the use of slight asymmetry to add depth and character to his eyes bear a distinct resemblance to the traditions of the Fayum portraits (Fig. 11). The illusionistic rendering of this image of Christ; however, is rare in Byzantine art. Later Fayum portraits, which begin to deviate from the Hellenized ideals of illusionistic representation, bear striking resemblance to the body of early Byzantine icons as a whole. In this portrait of a bearded man from er-Rugayat (Fig. 12), for example, the features are articulated with heavy lines rather than subtle shading, the folds of his drapery are highly stylized and do not fall naturally, and the patterns of his hair and beard are comprised of sharply incised lines. Most notably, while his eyes are still large, they now appear flat and have lost the animation conveyed in the gaze of earlier Fayum portraits. This stylized and abstracted manner of depiction represents a shift towards the later Byzantine manner of figural representation. While these similarities are compelling, certain factors seemingly prevent the funerary traditions of the Egyptians from having a direct influence on later icon production. Fayum portraits would have been interred with their subject and therefore would not have been accessible to later generations. Additionally, the use of Egyptian burial traditions sharply declined in the fourth century AD, long before the first known appearance of Christian icons in the sixth century. The growing Christian population, that had been gradually weaving its way into cultural makeup of Egypt since the first century, began to gain dominance in the fourth and fifth centuries and Christian traditions developed alongside Egyptian, Greek and Roman traditions. Euphrosyne Doxiadis poses the possibility that a martyr who died in this hybrid culture of Egypt during the Roman persecution of Christians may have been mummified according to Egyptian traditions and fitted with a portrait, then worshiped as a relic Euphrosyne Doxiadis, The Mysterious Fayum Portraits: Faces From Ancient Egypt (New York : H.N. Abrams, 1995), 90.. If somehow, the mummy and the portrait were separated, the materials of the portrait would have the transitive value of a contact relic, and thus could continue to be worshiped as a relic. While evidence for this theory is scarce, it does offer a compelling scenario that would allow Christians to begin worshiping images without falling into the perils of idol worship. Several accounts of martyrs from this period survive in literary evidence; however, the accounts rarely offer information on the burial of the Martyrs after their persecution When noted, as in the case of of Saints Paese and Thecla, who were martyred in Egypt in the reign of Diocletian, the martyrology indicates that the saints were given a Christian burial after their deaths. E.A.E. Reymond and John W. B. Barns, Four martyrdoms from the Pierpont Morgan Coptic codices, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 184.. In the case of Saint Coluthus, an Egyptian martyr who was persecuted for refusing to sacrifice to the pagan gods, the mode of burial is not noted; however, the author remarks on the martyr's family and friends who plead with him to make the sacrifice in order to save his life E.A.E. Reymond and John W. B. Barns, Four martyrdoms from the Pierpont Morgan Coptic codices, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 145. While it is unlikely that the Christian devotees would choose a pagan funerary ritual, his family might. Since the account indicates that the family of the martyr still practice pagan religion, it is not unlikely that after his death they would have given him a proper Egyptian interment. Afterwards, the Christian devotees could have claimed the mummy as a relic in order to establish a cult of the saint. While this account is entirely speculative, it offers one explanation as to why a Christian martyr would have received a pagan burial. From a theoretical standpoint, the connection between the image and the body forms a logical bridge from the tradition of the Fayum portraits to the development of Christian image veneration. As has been noted in the body of literature concerning the development of Byzantine icons, the eventual acceptance of images by Christians likely stemmed from their connection to the cult of relics and the cults of the saints For discussion of the connection of the cult of images to the cult of relics, see : Hans Belting, Likeness And Presence: A History Of The Image Before The Era Of Art. (Chicago : University Of Chicago Press, 1994); Gary Vikan, “Sacred Image, Sacred Power,” in Icon: Four Essays, (Baltimore : Walters Art Gallery, 1988); Charles Barber, Figure and Likeness: On the Limits of Representation in Byzantine Iconoclasm. (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2002). To illustrate this concept, Gary Vikan uses the model of eulogia, which were venerated as relics because they were made out of materials that qualified as contact relics Gary Vikan, “Sacred Image, Sacred Power,” in Icon: Four Essays, (Baltimore : Walters Art Gallery, 1988).. A Symeon Token, for example, is created from the earth of the sacred mountain of St. Symeon the Stylite (Fig. 13). This material is sacred because it is composed of the ground on which the saint once tread, making it a contact relic, however the addition of an image of the saint atop the column stamped into the token calls to mind the deeds of the saint. According the the philosophy of St. Augustine, this manner of viewing an image was valid because it was not the image itself viewed that created the connection between the Holy figure and the viewer, rather the image on the eulogia recalled the prototype in the mind's eye “Ibi uidetur claritas Domini, non per uisionem significantem, siue corporalem, sicut uisa est in monte Sina, siue spiritualem, sicut uidit Isaias, uel Iohannes in Apocalypsi: sed per speciem, non per aenigmata, quantum eam capere mens humana mens potest, secundum adsumentis dei gratiam, ut os ad os loquatur deus ei quem dignum tali conloquio fecerit; non os corporis, sed mentis” as printed in Herbert Kessler, “Configuring the Invisible by Copying the Holy Face,” in Spiritual Seing: Picturing God's Invisibility in Medieval Art, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000). Augustine distinguishes the difference between “corporeal vision” and “that of the mind” . Charles Barber expands Vikan's model, stating that the token is “a memory of contact sustained by means of parallel paths” Charles Barber, Figure and Likeness: On the Limits of Representation in Byzantine Iconoclasm, (Princeton : Princeton University Press. 2002), 23.. Therefore, the relationship which makes relics sacred is a combination of touch and memory. Venerating the eulogia image is not idolatrous first because it is composed of matter made holy through contact, and because it is not the image itself which is venerated but the holy figure through the use of the relic. Using this model, the transition from a Fayum portrait to a relic-icon is a logical progression. Assuming that at some point, a Christian martyr in Egypt was mummified, the resulting Fayum portrait would have been inherently imbued with the power of a transfer relic through its close, extended contact with the body of the holy figure. This contact is strengthened by the image of the martyr, which evokes the vision of the martyr in the mind's eye. Furthermore, in the tradition of the Fayum portrait, the image was already designated as the physical residence of the figure's soul – a belief that might transverse religious boundaries in this synchretic culture since it meets the needs of both religious frameworks. Conceptually the idea of Christian mummies, and therefore Christian mummy portraits, provides a compelling link to the development of the Christian cult of images. However; proving their existence is challenging. Some archival evidence for Christian mummification survives, such as an anecdote from the accounts of Athanasius, relates that St. Anthony's decision to retire to the desert to meet his death was partially influenced by his fear that the local monks would mummify his remains Barbara E. Borg “The Face of the Elite,” 75.. The archaeological record is less clear. In 1902, French archaeologist Albert Gayet discovered a tomb in the Egyptian necropolis of Antinoë which provides an interesting example to this study. This rock-cut tomb contained the mummified remains of a woman with an inscription on the wall that read “Here lies the Blessed Thais” and within the coffin he discovered several artifacts to which he ascribes Christian implications. These include rattan baskets which were associated with the communion host, palm leaves, a rose of Jericho, and a wood and ivory beaded necklace - which Gayet describes as a rosary See (Fig. 13) for original Greek inscription. Gayet's translates is “ici repose la Bienheureuse Thaïs” Al. Gayet, Antinoë et les sépultures de Thaïs et Sérapion (Paris: Société française d'éditions d'art, 1902), 46. His description of the body is as follows : “A l'interieur, un carcueil vermoulu et disjoint renfermait un corps, vetu de l'appareil habituel des bandeletes, passees par-dessus le costume, recouvrant le cadavre. Tout l'interet archaeologique de la trouvaille se concentrait sur les objets deposes dans ce cercueil : des corbeilles de jonc tresse; un chapelet de bois et d'ivoire, une croix ansée; des palmes et une rose de Jericho.” . In his analysis he identifies numerous historical anachronisms with his identification of each of these objects, several of which were not commonly recognized as Christian symbols until the Crusades and many of which had symbolic meanings in Egyptian iconography as well. He concludes that this tomb represents the first known use of these objects in Christian burial. The “croix ansée” or handled cross which he describes, refers to the symbol of an ankh. If we pair this with Doxiadis' interpretation of an ankh as a simplified christogram Euphrosyne Doxiadis, The Mysterious Fayum Portraits: Faces From Ancient Egypt (New York : H.N. Abrams, 1995), 118., it furthers the potential that this tomb was an intermediary link in the Christian appropriation of Egyptian iconography. While Gayet's conclusions are tenuous at best, he provides sufficient evidence to suggest that this tomb is a representation of the synchretic religious practices possibly transitioned from Fayum portraits to Christian icons. According to François Dunand's survey of early Christian burial practices in Egypt, the mummy of Thaïs seems to fit within a standard type of burials found in the graveyards of monasteries that maintained the practice of mummification for preservation of the body, but focused less on the elaborate means of decoration which the portrait mummies emphasized Françoise Dunand, "Between Tradition and Innovation: Egyptian Funerary Practices in late Antiquity," in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300-700. Ed. Roger Bagnall, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007) 163-182. The mummy of Thaïs (Fig. 15) is consistant with other mummies found in Christian sites, such as a mummy from the necropolis of the columbarium in Douch (Fig. 17), it is evident that they have a similar mode of presentation, with their faces either exposed or covered with a thin veil, and a layer of wrappings folded out surrounding the face rather than an elaborate portrait or mask. This may be due in part to the developing Christian beliefs about burial and resurrection. However, it could also reflect the issue of burial costs. The sects of Christianity which developed in Egypt were largely based off of the ideals of the desert ascetics, a vein of Christianity which promoted the relinquishing of earthly possessions for a contemplative life of self-deprivation and meditation in the desert. The process of mummification was expensive, particularly the excessive decoration of mummified remains which emphasized the outward appearance of the corpse without increasing the practical function. Such extravagance without any practical or spiritual benefit does not conform to ascetic practices. The question remains, if the mummies were interred with the portrait attached, how were worshipers centuries after the tradition ceased exposed to their influence. One possible explanation is through the practices of the cults of saints. Archaeological evidence indicates that both Christians and pagans continued to practice mummification in the fourth and fifth centuries and textual evidence indicates that Christians began venerating the relics of the martyrs at their tombs Françoise Dunand, "Between Tradition and Innovation: Egyptian Funerary Practices in late Antiquity," in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300-700. Ed. Roger Bagnall, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 177. The Christian leader Athanasius spoke out against Christians “Defiling themselves with the dead” by reveling and venerating at the tombs of the holy martyrs Athanasius. Festal Letters as printed in Françoise Dunand, "Between Tradition and Innovation: Egyptian Funerary Practices in late Antiquity," in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300-700. Ed. Roger Bagnall, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 177. Warnings by Christian religious leaders such as Shenoute against eating, drinking and reveling before tombs indicate that these practices were not limited to pagans, Dunand, 177.. If the veneration of the saint began shortly after his/her death, the location of the tomb would have been retained. Alternatively, the portraits may have been removed from the mummies, particularly if the devotees needed to flee the Roman authorities when their cult veneration was detected since the portrait would be far easier to transport without notice than the full mummified corpse Euphrosyne Doxiadis, The Mysterious Fayum Portraits: Faces From Ancient Egypt (New York : H.N. Abrams, 1995), 90.. The discovery of a necropolis with a banquet hall attached to several tombs at the village of Marina el-Alamein implies that not only were rituals performed for the deceased at the tomb, but the mummies in some way participated in the ritual Barbara E. Borg, “The Face of the Elite,” 75. Evidence for the Christian cult of icons quietly emerged in the fifth century from a religious society that had previously been weary of images because of their association with pagan religions. Due to the stigma against images in the Christian religion, the practices and traditions which led to this cult of icons remain a mystery. Stylistic and ideological similarities between Christian icons and earlier artistic traditions such as the Hellenized Egyptian mummy paintings are too strong to entirely disregard. However, the lack of documentary and material evidence for the build up to this phenomenon, which rocked the foundations of Christian iconography, render conclusive explanations improbable. Despite the strong aversion within the early Christian church to pagan practices as idol worship, the veneration of images likely survived through the personal practices of individuals and their desire to pay honor to the deceased. The environment of Egypt in the fourth and fifth centuries was a tangle of cultural hybridism and religious synchretism. It is logical that this period when the Christian religion was taking hold of a world still steeped in pagan traditions, when the hybridization of cultures aided by the physical connection of the portrait to the body and therefore the image to the relic, could lead Christians to the veneration of images.  Fig. 1 Portrait of a Lady from Hawara, mid second century AD, The Manchester Museum Fig. 2 Marble bust of an Antonine Lady, ca. 140-150 C.E., J. Paul Getty Museum Fig. 3 The younger Artemidorus from Hawara with detail of his mummy case, ca. 98-117 Fig. 4 Coffin of the official Hetepnebi, made of tamarisk wood, Sixth Dynasty, British Museum Fig. 5 Funerary mask of an elite woman, Satdjhuty, painted cartonnage with gold leaf, Early Eighteenth Dynasty, British Museum Fig.6 Portrait of a young woman in encaustic on wood from Hawara, AD 110-120, Royal Museum of Scotland Fig. 7 Pair of Triptych wings depicting the icons of St. Paul, St. Peter, St. Nicholas and St. John Chrysostom, seventh-eighth century. Monastery of St. Catherine at Mt. Sinai Fig. 8 Icon of Abbot Mena with Christ, encaustic on panel, from the Monastery of Bawit in Middle Egypt, sixth seventh century, Louvre. Fig. 9 Portrait of a woman from Antinoopolis with ankh, tempera on linen Fig. 10 Icon of Christ Pantocrator, sixth century, Monastery of St. Catherine , Mt. Sinai Fig. 11 Portrait of a man, ca. 140-170, encaustic on panel, Metropolitan Museum of Art Fig. 12 Portrait of a bearded man, er-Rubayat, encaustic on wood, J. Paul Getty Museum Fig. 13 Symeon token, sixth century, clay, Walters Art Museum Fig. 14 Saint Menas pilgrim flask, sixth-seventh century, terra cotta, Louvre Fig. 15 Mummy of Thaïs as illustrated by A. Gayet Fig. 16 Greek inscription identifying the tomb of Thaïs Fig. 17 Mummy from the necropolis of the columbarium, Douch, end of the fourth century Fig. 18 Framed portrait of a woman from Hawara, AD 50-100, British Museum Fig. 19 Part of the inside of a stone sarcophagus from Kerch showing a painter in his studio, c. AD 10, Hermitage Fig. 20 Mummy with inserted panel portrait of a youth, Hawara, encaustic on limewood Fig. 21 Reconstruction of the face according to a C.A.T. scan of the mummy, by Stephen Mancusi and Peggy Caldwell Ott Bibliography Barber, Charles. 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